Supreme Court Preview: Standing to Sue and the Establishment Clause

By Steven K. Green, Professor of Law, Willamette University College of Law; Board Member, American Constitution Society, Oregon Lawyers Chapter

Hein v. Freedom From Religion Foundation, No. 06-157

Raising challenges to government spending programs that benefit religion has always taken on a unique quality.  As all first year law students (should) know, the Supreme Court has for eighty five years maintained a rule that prohibits average taxpayers from challenging spending and taxing policies in federal courts.  As the Court held in Frothingham v. Mellon (1921), a taxpayer’s interest in the moneys of the federal treasury are “too indeterminable, remote, uncertain, and indirect” to support the personal and cognizable injury necessary to confer standing to sue in federal court.  The exception to that bar has been for claims that a government tax or expenditure violates the prohibitions of the Establishment Clause.  In Flast v. Cohen (1968), the high court held that the “specific evils feared” by the drafters of the First Amendment “was that the taxing and spending power would be used to favor one religion over another or to support religion in general.”  Therefore, a taxpayer could bring a challenge to an alleged unconstitutional expenditure, even though her injury took on a generalized quality.

The Flast rule was later narrowed (or clarified) in Valley Forge Christian College v. Americans United for Separation of Church and State (1982), which held that taxpayer standing under the Establishment Clause was limited to expenditures arising under the Article I, § 8, Tax and Spend Clause but did not extend to expenditures authorized under other sections of the Constitution (there, the Property Clause, Article IV, § 3).  But language in Valley Forge by then-Justice Rehnquist suggested that Flast taxpayer standing was allowed only for challenges to “exercises of congressional power,” and not to “the action of the Executive Branch.”

One does not have to be an avid follower of the “Unitary Presidency” phenomenon of late to appreciate conundrum presented by the disconnect between Flast and Valley Forge.  To one degree or another, every federal tax and spend program is administered by the Executive Branch.  Some congressionally authorized expenditures involve direct appropriations or earmarks while others provide greater discretion to executive agencies on how the moneys are spent. 

Enter Hein v. Freedom From Religion Foundation, an Establishment Clause challenge by a public interest organization to aspects of President Bush’s Faith-Based Initiative.  Freedom From Religion Foundation (FFRF) alleges, among other things, that the White House Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives made discretionary grants to churches and religious organizations and conducted conferences to promote the Initiative that were akin to religious revivals.  The government acknowledged that FFRF has standing to challenge specific grants to religious organizations but denies that it could challenge the conferences or statements by administration officials touting the “power of faith to change lives.”

The Seventh Circuit, in a decision by Judge Richard Posner, held that FFRF has standing to challenge the conferences (but not the statements of officials), noting that the line proposed by the government is “artificial” because “there is so much that executive officials could do to promote religion in ways forbidden by the establishment clause . . . without making outright grants to religious organizations.”  The fact that the conferences were funded out of “general rather than earmarked appropriations – that it was an executive rather than a congressional program – does not deprive taxpayers of standing to challenge it,” Posner wrote.

The fact that the Court has agreed to hear Hein portends a potential cutback in the ability of litigants to challenge actions of the government that favor religion but lack the provenance of an express congressional authorization.  Likely millions of public dollars have been spent to promote the President’s belief in the transforming power of faith, moneys that came out of the general White House budget.  Are these expenditures non-reviewable?  The Solicitor General’s Petition invites the Court’s conservatives to narrow the standing exception, noting that the FFRF “challenges Executive – not congressional – action in this case.”  FFRF’s suit “challenges only the use of such general appropriations to fund internal Executive Branch activities, as opposed to specific spending decisions made pursuant to a challenged ‘statutory mandate.’”  The former, the government asserts, should be immune from taxpayer challenges. 

If this distinction is accepted by the Court, then Executive expenditures that advance religion – or even favor one religion over others – would be potentially immune from challenge if they involved a discretionary funding source rather than a clear “statutory mandate.”  As Judge Posner hypothesized in his opinion, there would be nothing to stop the Secretary of Homeland Security from using unearmarked funds from his budget to build and fund an Islamic mosque that would support U.S. foreign policy on the assumption it would reduce Islamist terrorism in the country.  As Justice Brennan observed in his Valley Forge dissent, it is likely that the Framers were more concerned about government expenditures on behalf of religion and less concerned about the funding mechanism.  Hein, unfortunately, invites the Court to engage in such artificial line-drawing.


Written By:hsfrey On January 11, 2007 8:07 PM

The Logic seems so clear, that it's almost syllogistic:
Article 1 sec. 1 says ALL legislative powers are vested in the Congress.
Amendment 1 says Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion. It doesn't say Congress can't spend money to support religion. It says it can't make ANY law supporting religion.

Article 1, Sec.7 says that Congress has the sole power to raise revenues, to pay debts, provide for common defense and general welfare.

That doesn't leave ANY room for the executive to make laws or decide how to spend money.

Everything that Article 2 assigns to the president, apart from appointing officers and being CIC, is ministerial.

Sec. 3 says that he "shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed", and Congress is the only one that can make those laws.

Only those nostalgic for monarchy or a theocracy can argue for the right of the president to support religion.

If Congress can't support religion, neither can the president, because he has NO independent legislative powers under the Constitution.

The purpose of the 1st Amendment was not to restrict Congress - it was to restrict the new government from bringing to the New World the kind of religious wars which had racked Europe for centuries.

Written By:Bob Ritter On January 12, 2007 9:32 PM

I disagree with hsfrey interpretation of the 1st Amend. Making no law respecting an establishment of religion includes Congress passing an appropriation bill expending taxpayer funds to a religious establishment (e.g., funding faith based initiatives, buying the land under the Mt. Soledad Latin cross, paying Marines to play God Bless America, etc.)
The issue of taxpayer standing to challenge Congressional approprations has fascinated me for decades. To have a law that is clearly unconstitutional but to deny standing denies gravity (especially given all the other judicially created rules).
Good luck to FFRF.
Bob Ritter
Founder, Jefferson Madison Center for Religious Liberty

Written By:rick On January 30, 2007 4:32 PM

WOW!
My jaw just hit the floor!

" As all first year law students (should) know, the Supreme Court has for eighty five years maintained a rule that prohibits average taxpayers from challenging spending and taxing policies in federal courts."

I'm not a law student, But there were multiple reasons for our Revolution. The major reason was because we were being taxed to death by England so they could pay the interest on the loans from the evil bank of England for their wars! Which is where we are today with the Evil federal reserve.

Remember the Boston tea party? This Supreme court ruling would probably be typical of the times because everyone had plenty of cash then and did'nt pay attention to what had been said in the ruling.

If the Federal Govt. had tried to pass-off an income tax to pay the Evil federal reserve it's fraudulent interest payments on reserves it did'nt even posess at the time, When it was unforgivably created by congress, The depression that followed would have become a second revolution, Rather than hard working Americans obediently waiting in soup lines!

It escapes me how this opinion has been supported for 85 years! Trillions of dollars of debt interest going into some "filthy rich" guys' pocket, While we pass another gas station looking to save 3 more cents a gallon!

Sooner or later every boil has to to come to a head and pop! We should be issuing green backs right now, Before the bread lines start again! This time, America knows who to blame.

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